China & the World
Exchange & Debate
推特 臉書  
中国与世界
交流与交锋
马克龙访美演讲:自由的消亡,最多只需要一代人
作者:马克龙

“自由的消亡,最多只需要一代人。我们无法将自由通过血缘传给我们的子孙,它必须被争取、被保护、被传承,被一代又一代人捍卫。” 


Emmanuel Macron |文


尊敬的美利坚合众国议长先生、副总统先生、各位联邦国会议员、女士们先生们:

Mr. Speaker,Mr. Vice President,Honorable members of the United States Congress,Ladies and gentlemen,


受邀到这个民主圣地(指美国国会)演讲,这是法国的荣誉、法国人民的荣誉和我的荣誉。这里书写了太多合众国的历史。

It is an honour for France, for the French people, and for me, to be received in this sanctuary of democracy, where so much of the history of the United States has been written.


今天,我们被如此众多的图像、肖像和象征物所环绕,这让我们想起法国从一开始就参与了(美国)这个伟大国度的历程,用心灵和行动。

We are surrounded today with images, portraits and symbols, which remind us that France has participated – with heart in hand – in the story of this great nation. From the very beginning.


自那时起,我们便分享着对于人类的共同观念。我们两国植根于同一块土壤,立足于在那些诞生于美利坚革命和法兰西革命的共同理念之上。为了自由、宽容、平权这些普世理念,我们通力合作。

Since then, we have shared a common vision for humanity. Our two nations are rooted in the same soil, grounded in the same ideals of the American and French Revolutions. We have worked together for the universal ideals of liberty, tolerance, and equal rights.


今天早上,我站在拉法耶特(法国贵族、赴美参加独立战争)的雕像下,感受他的凝视。作为一个勇敢的年轻人,他与乔治·华盛顿并肩作战,并建立了一段亲密的关系,受到了尊敬和爱戴。拉法耶特称自己为“美国之子”。1792年,乔治·华盛顿成为美国和法国的儿子,我们的第一个共和国授予他公民权。

And this morning, I stand under the protective gaze of La Fayette, right behind me. As a brave young man, he fought alongside George Washington and forged a tight relationship, fuelled by respect and affection. La Fayette used to call himself a “son of the United States”. And, in 1792, George Washington became a son of America and France, when our First Republic awarded citizenship to him.


我们站立的这个地方,你们美丽的首都,是法国建筑师查尔斯·勒’英凡特构思设计的。

Here we stand, in your beautiful capital city, whose plans were conceived by a French architect, Charles L’Enfant.


美法关系的奇迹在于,我们从未失去这份深深根植于我们历史和血脉中的纽带。

The miracle of the relationship between the United States and France is that we have never lost this special bond deeply rooted not only in our history, but also in our flesh.


这就是我邀请特朗普总统参加去年7月14日我总统任期的第一个巴士底狱游行的原因,也是特朗普总统就任后的第一次国事访问邀请法国的原因,这代表我们两国共同历史记忆的延续,在这个纷乱多事的世界里。请允许我感谢你们的总统和第一夫人,感谢他们对我夫人和我的盛情邀请。

This is why I invited President Donald Trump for the first Bastille Day Parade of my presidency, on 14 July last year. Today, President Trump’s decision to offer France his first state visit to Washington has a particular resonance, because it represents the continuity of our shared history, in a troubled world. And let me thank your president and the First Lady for this wonderful invitation to my wife and myself.


这就是把我们联合起来,在第一次世界大战中抗击帝国主义、第二次世界大战中抗击法西斯主义,接下来共同抵御斯大林主义威胁的原因。现在,我们又联手对付恐怖主义组织。

This is what united us in the struggle against imperialism during the First World War. Then in the fight against Nazism during the Second World War. This is what united us again during the era of the Stalinist threat, and now we lean on that strength to fight against terrorist groups.


让我们回到1916年7月4日(美国独立日),当时美国尚未加入一战。有一位年轻的美国诗人已经在法国海外军团作战,因为他热爱法国、热爱自由。

Let us for a moment transport ourselves to the past. Imagine, this is 4 July 1916. Back then, the United States had not entered World War I. And yet, a young American poet enlisted in the ranks of our Foreign Legion, because he loved France and he loved the cause of freedom.


这位美国年轻人在美国独立日牺牲于Belloy-en-Santerre——离我的家乡亚眠不远。此前他曾写道:“我与死亡有个约会。”这位年轻的美国人名叫阿兰·西格,在巴黎有一座雕像纪念他。

This young American would fight and die on Independence Day at Belloy-en-Santerre, not far from Amiens, my home town, after having written these words: “I have a rendez-vous with death.” The name of this young American was Alan Seeger. A statue stands in his honour in Paris.


今天我们非常荣幸地邀请了二战老兵罗伯特·杰克逊·埃沃德到场。他曾经在D日参加了诺曼底登陆。74年前,他为自由而战。先生,我代表法国感谢您,我向您的勇气与奉献致敬!

That is why we are very honoured by the presence today of Robert Jackson Ewald, a World War II veteran. Robert Jackson Ewald took part in the D-Day landing. He fought for our freedom, 74 years ago. Sir, on behalf of France: thank you. I bow to your courage and your devotion.


自1776年以来,美国人民和法国人民已经对自由有了不约而同的默契。

Since 1776, we, the American and French people, have had a rendez-vous with freedom.


近年来,仅仅因为我们的价值观和对自由的钟爱,我们两国就遭受了痛苦的损失。因为这些价值观正是那些恐怖分子所仇视的。在悲剧性地 2001 年 9 月 11 日,许多美国人与死亡不期而遇。而在过去五年里,法国和欧洲也遭遇了可怕的恐怖袭击。我们永远不应忘记这些无辜受害者,也不应忘记这些事件后我们两国人民所展现出的难以置信的顽强。这是为自由、为民主而付出的惨痛代价。

In recent years, our nations have suffered wrenching losses simply because of our values and our taste for freedom. Because these values are the very ones those terrorists precisely hate.Tragically, on 11 September 2001, many Americans had an unexpected rendez-vous with death. Over the last five years, my country and Europe also experienced terrible terrorist attacks.And we shall never forget these innocent victims, nor the incredible resilience of our people in the aftermath. It is a horrific price to pay for freedom, for democracy.


我们无数次与死亡相遇,因为我们持之以恒,心系自由与民主。正如印在法国革命者旗帜上的铭言所说:“不自由,毋宁死。”

We have encountered countless rendez-vous with death, because we have this constant attachment to freedom and democracy. As emblazoned on the flags of the French revolutionaries, “Vivre libre ou mourir”. Live free or die.


幸好,自由也是所有一切值得为之而活的事物的源泉,自由是对思考和爱的呼唤,是对我们意志的呼唤。这就是为何在和平时期,法国和美国能够从痛苦的记忆出发,铸造起牢不可破的连结。而我们之间最坚不可摧、最强大、最坚定的纽带、把我们两国人民的真正的目标连接起来、共同前进的,就是亚伯拉罕·林肯所说的民主的“未竟事业”。

Thankfully, freedom is also the source of all that is worth living for. Freedom is a call to think and to love. It is a call to our will. That is why, in times of peace, France and the United States were able to forge unbreakable bonds, from the grist of painful memories.The most indestructible, the most powerful, the most definitive knot between us is the one that ties the true purpose of our peoples to advance, as Abraham Lincoln said, the “unfinished business” of democracy.


确实,我们这两个社会推进了所有人的人权。它们一直在进行持续的对话,以展开这项“未竟事业”。在这个国会大厦圆形大厅,50年前被暗杀的马丁·路德·金的塑像提醒着我们不忘非裔美国领袖、艺术家、作家的精神,他们已经成为我们共同精神遗产的一部分。我们特别怀念他们之中的詹姆斯·鲍德温和理查德·赖特——他们曾来到过法国。我们共享公民权的历史,法国的西蒙娜·德·波伏娃在70年代曾是美国性别平权运动中受到尊敬的人物。而女性权利一直是位于大西洋两岸的我们两个社会前进的根本动力。这也解释了为什么#MeToo运动最近在法国引起了如此深刻的共鸣。

Indeed, our two societies have stood up to advance human rights for all. They have engaged in a continual dialogue to unpack this “unfinished business”.

In this Capitol Rotunda, the bust of Martin Luther King, assassinated 50 years ago, reminds us of the spiration of African-American leaders, artists, writers who have become part of our common heritage. We celebrate among them James Baldwin and Richard Wright, whom France hosted on our soil.

We have shared the history of civil rights. France’s Simone de Beauvoir became a respected figure in the movement for gender equality in America in the 70s. Women's rights have long been a fundamental driver for our societies on both sides of the Atlantic. This explains why the #MeToo movement has recently had such a deep resonance in France.


民主是由公民间的日常对话和相互理解构成的。当我们有能力使用彼此的语言时,民主就更加地容易,更加深入。而法语世界(francophonie)的心脏也在这里跳动,从新奥尔良到西雅图,它在美国跳动。我想要这心跳在全美国的学校里更加强烈。

Democracy is made of day-to-day conversations and mutual understanding between citizens.It is easier and deeper when we have the ability to speak each other’s language. The heart of Francophonie also beats here, in the United States, from New Orleans to Seattle. I want this heart to beat even harder in American schools all across the country.


民主也有赖于自由描述当下与创造未来的能力。而文化带给我们的正是这些。当我们想到几个世纪以来我们之间的文化交流时,我的脑海中浮现出成千上万个例子。

Democracy relies also on the faculty of freely describing the present and the capacity to invent the future. This is what culture brings. Thousands of examples come to mind when we think of the exchanges between our cultures across the centuries.


曾任美国驻法大使的托马斯·杰斐逊建造他在蒙蒂塞洛的住所时依照的就是他钟爱的一座巴黎建筑,而海明威也在小说《流动的盛宴》里盛赞这座法国首都;我们伟大的19世纪法国作家夏多布里昂把对美国广阔的空地、森林与山川的想象带给了法国人民,而福克纳创作于美国深南部的小说却首先在法国被传阅,并迅速受到法国文学界的好评;来自路易斯安那的爵士乐和来自密西西比的布鲁斯在法国找到了热情的受众,而美国则醉心于印象派以及法国现当代艺术。从电影到时尚、从设计到高端烹饪、从体育到视觉艺术……这些交流在许多领域都生机勃勃。

From Thomas Jefferson, who was Ambassador to France and built his house in Monticello based on a building he loved in Paris, to Hemingway’s novel Moveable Feast celebrating the capital city of France. From our great 19th-century French writer Chateaubriand bringing to the French people the dream of America's open spaces, forests and mountains to Faulkner’s novels crafted in the deep South, but first read in France where they quickly gained literary praise. From jazz coming from Louisiana and the blues from Mississippi finding in France an enthusiastic public to the American fascination for Impressionists, and the French modern and contemporary arts. These exchanges are vibrant in so many fields, from cinema to fashion, from design to high cuisine, from sports to visual arts.


医药和科学研究以及商业和创新也是我们共同旅程中的重要部分。美国是法国最重要的科学合作伙伴。我们的经济纽带在大西洋两岸创造了数十万个就业机会。

Medicine and scientific research as well as business and innovation are also a significant part of our shared journey. The United States is France’s first scientific partner.Our economic ties create hundreds of thousands of jobs, on both sides of the Atlantic.


法国和美国的故事是一个无止境的对话,它由两国对尊严与进步的共同向往和为之展开的共同奋斗组成,它是我们的民主原则与价值观的最佳成就。这便是我们之间非同寻常的关系,这便是我们。

The story of France and the United States is a story of an endless dialogue made of common dreams, of a common struggle for dignity and progress. It is the best achievement of our democratic principles and values.

This is this very special relationship.


但我们必须记得西奥多·罗斯福总统的警告:“自由的消亡,最多只需要一代人。我们无法将自由通过血缘传给我们的子孙,它必须被争取、被保护、被传承,被一代又一代人捍卫。” 

But we must remember the warning of President Theodore Roosevelt: “Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn’t pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, handed on for them to do the same”.


这确实是个迫切的警告。因为现在,在我们的双边纽带之外,在我们非同寻常的关系之外,欧洲和美国必须共同面对本世纪的全球挑战。我们不能将我们跨越大西洋的共同历史和连结视为理所当然。我们西方价值的核心本身正面临危险。

This is an urgent reminder indeed. Because now, going beyond our bilateral ties, beyond our very special relationship, Europe and the United States must face together the global challenges of this century. And we cannot take for granted our transatlantic history and bonds. At the core, our Western values themselves are at risk.


我们必须成功面对这些挑战,而若是忘记了我们的原则和我们的历史,我们将不可能成功。

We have to succeed facing these challenges, and we cannot succeed forgetting our principles and our history.


事实上,二十一世纪带来一系列新的威胁和新的挑战,可能是我们的祖先从未想象过的。

In fact, the 21st century has brought a series of new threats and new challenges that our ancestors might not ever have imagined.


我们最强烈的信念正在经受一个未知的新世界秩序的兴起带来的挑战。我们的社会正担忧子孙的未来。

Our strongest beliefs are challenged by the rise of a yet unknown new world order. Our societies are concerned about the future of their children.


我们会聚在这个庄严的议会里,作为民选官员,我们都有责任证明:民主仍是今天出现的问题和疑虑的最佳答案。

All of us gathered here in this noble Chamber, we - elected officials - all share the responsibility to demonstrate that democracy remains the best answer to the questions and doubts that arise today.


即使我们进步的根基被打乱,我们也必须坚定不移地战斗,让我们的原则获得胜利。

Even if the foundations of our progress are disrupted, we must stand firmly and fight to make our principles prevail.


但除此之外,我们还肩负着另外一项由我们的共同历史中继承而来的责任。如今,国际社会需要加强我们的游戏规则,并依据我们在第二次世界大战之后建立的长期原则而构建21世纪的世界秩序。

But we bear another responsibility inherited from our collective history. Today, the international community needs to step up our game and build the 21st century world order, based on the perennial principles we established together after World War II.


法治,以及那些我们70年来借以维持和平的基本价值现在正经受一些紧迫事态的威胁,为此,我们需要采取联合行动。

The rule of law, the fundamental values on which we secured peace for 70 years are now questioned by urgent issues that require our joint action.


我们和我们的国际盟友与伙伴一道,正在面对全球化造成的不平等、对我们的共同财产——地球的威胁、反自由主义的崛起对民主制度的进攻、新兴强国及犯罪国家对国际社会的扰动。

Together with our international allies and partners, we are facing inequalities created by globalization; threats to the planet, our common good; attacks on democracies through the rise of illiberalism; and the destabilization of our international community by new powers and criminal states.


所有这些风险,都会伤害到我们的国民。

All these risks aggrieve our citizens.


正因为当下这些全球性威胁,无论在美国还是在欧洲,我们都处于一个愤怒和恐惧的时代。

Both in the United States and in Europe we are living in a time of anger and fear, because of these current global threats.


但仅凭这些感受,我们什么都建造不起来。你可以暂时地利用恐惧与愤怒,但它们没有任何建设性。愤怒只会禁锢我们,让我们衰弱。而正如富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福在他的首次就职演讲中所说:“我们唯一值得恐惧的,就是恐惧本身。”

But these feelings do not build anything. You can play with fears and anger for a time. But they do not construct anything. Anger only freezes and weakens us. And, as Franklin Delano Roosevelt said during his first inaugural speech, “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself”.


因此,请允许我说:我们的面前有两条路。

Therefore, let me say we have two possible ways ahead.


我们可以选择孤立主义、与世隔绝以及民族主义。这是一个选项。作为针对恐惧的临时解药,它可能很有诱惑力。但是,对世界关上大门并不能阻止世界的演进,它并不能熄灭我们的国民心中的恐惧,反而会将其点燃。我们必须睁开双眼,面对我们正前方这些新的危险。我坚信,如果我们决定睁大眼睛,我们会变得更加强大,我们会战胜危险。我们不会让民族主义横冲直撞,撼动这个全心憧憬着更多繁荣的世界。

We can choose isolationism, withdrawal, and nationalism. This is an option.

It can be tempting to us as a temporary remedy to our fears.

But closing the door to the world will not stop the evolution of the world. It will not douse, but inflame, the fears of our citizens. We have to keep our eyes wide open to the new risks, right in front of us.

I am convinced that if we decide to open our eyes wider, we will be stronger. We will overcome the dangers. We will not let the rampaging work of extreme nationalism shake a world full of hopes for greater prosperity.


现在正是关键的时刻。我相信,如果我们不以全球共同体的形式采取紧急行动,包括联合国、北约在内的国际组织就无法再执行它们的任务、发挥促进稳定的影响力。那么,二战后建立的自由秩序将不可避免地遭到严重破坏。而那些拥有更强有力的策略和野心的国家将会填补我们留下的空缺。其他这些国家将毫不犹豫地推广他们自己的模式,以塑造 21 世纪的世界秩序。而如果你们问我的想法的话,我个人并不认同对新强权的迷恋、对自由的抛弃和民族主义带来的幻觉。

It is a critical moment. If we do not act with urgency as a global community, I am convinced that the international institutions, including the United Nations and NATO, will no longer be able to exercise their mandate and stabilizing influence. We would then inevitably and severely undermine the liberal order we built after World War II.

Other powers, with a stronger strategy and ambition, will then fill the void we would leave empty.

Other powers will not hesitate one second to advocate their own model, to shape the 21st century world order.

Personally, if you ask me, I do not share the fascination for new strong powers, the abandonment of freedom, and the illusion of nationalism.


因此,尊敬的议员们,让我们撇开这些,来书写我们自己的历史、营造我们想要的未来吧。我们面对全球性的威胁,我们必须打造共同的答案。而摆在我们面前的唯一选项,就是加强合作。我们可以建立起21世纪的全球秩序,这一秩序以新型的多边主义为基础,以一种更高效、更负责、更加结果导向的多边主义为基础。这是一种强大的多边主义。

Therefore, distinguished members of Congress, let us push them aside, write our own history and birth the future we want.

We have to shape our common answers to the global threats that we are facing.

The only option then is to strengthen our cooperation. We can build the 21st century world order, based on a new breed of multilateralism. Based on a more effective, accountable, and results-oriented multilateralism. A strong multilateralism.


现在比以往任何时候都更需要美国的参与,因为对于创造和保护如今的自由世界,你们的角色曾如此重要。美利坚合众国创造了这一多边主义,它如今正需要你们去保护和重塑。

This requires more than ever the United States’ involvement, as your role was decisive for creating and safeguarding today’s free world. The United States invented this multilateralism. You are the one now who has to help to preserve and reinvent it.


这一强大的多边主义并不会让我们的民族文化与民族身份失色。恰恰相反,强大的多边主义将使我们的文化与身份得到尊重与保护,将使它们自由地共同繁盛。

This strong multilateralism will not outshine our national cultures and national identities. It is exactly the other way around. A strong multilateralism will allow our cultures and identities to be respected, to be protected and to flourish freely together.


为什么?正因为位于大西洋两岸的我们自己的文化都以对自由独一无二的向往为基础,以对自由与和平独一无二的坚持为基础。这一强大的多边主义是唯一与我们的国家、文化与身份兼容的选项。

Why? Because precisely our own culture is based, on both sides of the Atlantic, on this unique taste for freedom, on this unique attachment to liberty and peace. This strong multilateralism is the unique option compatible with our nations, our cultures, our identities.


在这一点上,美国与欧洲承担着历史的重任,因为这是捍卫我们所坚信的东西、促进我们的普世价值的唯一选项,唯有这样,我们才能强有力地宣称:面对世界的失序,人权、少数群体的权利和共享的自由才是真正的答案。

The United States and Europe have a historical role in this respect, because it is the only way to defend what we believe in, to promote our universal values, to express strongly that human rights, the rights of minorities and shared liberty are the true answer to the disorders of the world.


我相信这些权利与价值。

I believe in these rights and values.


我相信,我们要用教育对抗无知、用发展对抗不公、用信任与诚意对抗犬儒、用文化对抗狂热、用医学对抗疾病与瘟疫、用科学对抗对地球的威胁。

I believe that against ignorance, we have education. Against inequalities, development. Against cynicism, trust and good faith. Against fanaticism, culture. Against disease and epidemics, medicine. Against the threats on the planet, science.


我相信具体的行动,我相信解决方案就在我们手中。

I believe in concrete action. I believe the solutions are in our hands.


我相信个体解放,相信每个人都拥有自由与责任去建立自己的人生、去追求幸福。我相信明智调控下的市场经济。我们正经历着目前经济全球化的正面效应,它带来了创新,创造了工作岗位。然而,我们也看见了全球资本主义的滥权以及数字领域的混乱,它们正破坏着经济与民主的稳定。

I believe in the liberation of the individual, and in the freedom and

 responsibility of everyone to build their own lives and pursue happiness.

I believe in the power of intelligently-regulated market economies. We are experiencing the positive impact of our current economic globalization, with innovation, with job creation. We see, however, the abuses of globalized capitalism, and digital disruptions, which jeopardize the stability of our economies and democracies.


我相信,面对这些挑战,我们所需要的,不是大规模解除管制和极端民族主义。贸易战不是应对这些变化的正确答案。当然,我们需要自由、公平的贸易。针对盟友的贸易战与我们的任务、我们的历史以及我们目前对全球安全的承诺相悖。最终,它会摧毁就业,抬高物价,而中产阶级将为此付出代价。

I believe facing these challenges requires the opposite of massive deregulation and extreme nationalism. Commercial war is not the proper answer to these evolutions. We need free and fair trade, for sure. A commercial war opposing allies is not consistent with our mission, with our history, with our current commitments to global security. At the end of the day, it would destroy jobs, increase prices, and the middle class will have to pay for it.


我相信,通过世贸组织的协商,通过建立合作式方案,我们可以找出正确的答案,来应对关于贸易不平衡、大量差额、产能过剩的合理忧虑。是我们写的这些规则,我们应该遵守它们。

I believe we can build the right answers to legitimate concerns regarding trade imbalances, excesses and overcapacities, by negotiating through the World Trade Organization and building cooperative solutions. We wrote these rules; we should follow them.


我相信,我们可以解决我们的公民关于隐私权与个人数据的担忧。最近脸书的听证会显示出在全世界范围内维护公民数字权利、保护他们对当下数字化生活工具的信心的必要性。欧盟通过了数据保护的新规定。我相信,美国与欧盟应该共同寻找创新与伦理间的正确平衡,利用好当下数据领域与人工智能的变革。

I believe we can address our citizens’ concerns regarding privacy and personal data. The recent Facebook hearings highlighted the necessity to preserve our citizens’ digital rights, all over the world, and protect their confidence in today’s digital tools of life.


欧盟通过了数据保护的新规定。我相信,美国与欧盟应该共同寻找创新与伦理间的正确平衡,利用好当下数据领域与人工智能的变革。

The European Union passed a new regulation for data protection. I believe the United States and the European Union should cooperate to find the right balance between innovation and ethics, and harness the best of today’s revolutions in digital data and artificial intelligence.


我相信,面对不平等,我们必须促进二十国集团间的政策协调,以减少金融投机、建立保护中产阶级利益的机制,因为中产阶级是我们民主的中坚力量。

I believe facing inequalities should push us to improve policy coordination within the G20 to reduce financial speculation, and create mechanisms to protect the middle class’s interest, because our middle classes are the backbone of our democracies.


我相信,要为我们的孩子建立一个更好的未来,这要求我们给他们提供一个在25年后仍然适宜居住的星球。

I believe in building a better future for our children, which requires offering them a planet that is still habitable in 25 years.


某些人以为,比起为应对气候变化这一全球挑战而进行经济转型,保护现有工业及其就业更为紧要。

Some people think that securing current industries - and their jobs - is more urgent than transforming our economies to meet the global challenge of climate change. 


我听到过这些担忧,但我们必须向低碳经济进行平稳过渡。

I hear these concerns, but we must find a smooth transition to a low-carbon economy.


这是因为,如果我们的工作与生活是在破坏地球、牺牲我们孩子的未来,那我们生活的意义在哪里?如果我们的决定、我们有意识的决定是要减少我们儿孙的机会,那我们生活的意义又在哪里?污染海洋、不减缓二氧化碳排放、破坏生态多样化……我们正通过这些行为摧毁我们的星球。让我们面对这个事实吧——不存在替代星球!

Because what is the meaning of our life, really, if we work and live destroying the planet, while sacrificing the future of our children?

What is the meaning of our life if our decision, our conscious decision, is to reduce the opportunities for our children and grandchildren?

By polluting the oceans, not mitigating CO2 emissions and destroying our biodiversity, we are killing our planet. Let us face it: there is no Planet B.


在这一议题上,美国与法国之间或许会有不同意见,就像在所有家庭里都可能有不同意见一样。但对我来说,这个分歧是短期的。长久来看,我们将必须面对的是同一个现实。我们都是同一颗星球的居民。

On this issue it may happen we have a disagreement between the United States and France. It may happen, like in all families. But that is, for me, a short-term disagreement. In the long run, we will have to face the same realities. We are citizens of the same planet.


我们必须面对这一切。在一些短期分歧之外,我们必须共同努力,与商业领袖和地方社群合作,以使我们的星球再次伟大,并创造新的就业、新的机会,同时保护好我们的地球。我确信,有朝一日,美国会转身,重新加入《巴黎协议》。我确信,我们可以共同努力,实现全球契约的环保理想。

We have to face it. Beyond some short-term disagreements, we have to work together.With business leaders and local communities, in order to make our planet great again, and create new jobs and new opportunities, while safeguarding our Earth. And I am sure one day, the United States will come back and join the Paris agreement. And I am sure we can work together to fulfil with you the ambitions of the Global Compact on the environment.


女士们先生们,我相信民主。

Ladies and gentlemen,I believe in democracy.


我们的众多祖先曾为自由与人权而牺牲。他们赠给了我们伟大的遗产,也赋予了我们责任:我们必须在新世纪继续他们的使命,保护那些他们交付给我们的恒久价观值,保证如今这些空前的科技创新可以继续服务于自由事业、为了我们的后代而服务于对地球的保护。

Many of our forebears were slain for the cause of freedom and human rights. With the great inheritance they gave us comes the responsibility to continue their mission in this new century and to preserve the perennial values handed to us and assure that today’s unprecedented innovations in science and technology remain in the service of liberty and in the preservation of our planet for the next generations.


为了保护我们民主国家,我们必须与不断扩张的病毒——假新闻作斗争。它让我们的人民面临非理性的恐惧和想象出的危险。让我来公平地认定“假新闻”这个词组的版权吧,特别是在这里。

To protect our democracies, we have to fight against the ever-growing virus of fake news, which exposes our people to irrational fear and imaginary risks. And let me attribute the fair copyright for this expression “fake news”, especially here.


没有理性,没有真相,就没有真正的民主——因为民主是有关真实选择和理性决策的。对信息的腐化就是在试图侵蚀我们民主制度真正的精神。我们还必须打击在互联网上传播狂热理念的恐怖主义宣传。它对我们的一些公民和儿童产生了持续的影响。

Without reason, without truth, there is no real democracy -- because democracy is about true choices and rational decisions. The corruption of information is an attempt to corrode the very spirit of our democracies.


我们还必须打击在互联网上传播狂热理念的恐怖主义宣传。它对我们的一些公民和儿童产生了持续的影响。我希望这一斗争成为我们双边承诺的一部分,我和贵国总统就这一议程的重要性进行了讨论。我希望这场斗争成为七国集团峰会议程的一部分,因为它深深伤害了我们的权利和我们共享的价值观。

We also have to fight against the terrorist propaganda that spreads out its fanaticism on the Internet. It has a gripping influence on some of our citizens and children. I want this fight to be part of our bilateral commitment, and we discussed with your President the importance of such an agenda.

I want this fight to be part of the G7 agenda because it deeply harms our rights and shared values.


当恐怖主义威胁与核扩散威胁结合起来时,就更加危险了。因此,对试图拥有核弹的国家,我们必须比以往任何时候都更加严苛。这就是为什么法国完全支持美国努力通过制裁和谈判推动平壤走向朝鲜半岛无核化。

The terrorist threat is even more dangerous when it is combined with the nuclear proliferation threat. We must therefore be stricter than ever with countries seeking to acquire the nuclear bomb.That is why France supports fully the United States in its efforts to bring Pyongyang, through sanctions and negotiations, towards denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula.


对于伊朗,我们的目标很明确:伊朗永远不应拥有任何核武器。现在不应有,5 年后不应有,10 年后不应有,永远不应有。但是这个政策绝不应把我们引向在中东宣战。

As for Iran, our objective is clear: Iran shall never possess any nuclear weapons. Not now, not in 5 years, not in 10 years. Never.But this policy should never lead us to war in the Middle East. 


我们必须确保稳定,尊重国家主权,包括拥有一个伟大文明的伊朗的主权。

We must ensure stability, and respect sovereignty of the nations, including that one of Iran, which represents a great civilization.


我们不应复制过去在该地区犯下的错误。一方面,我们不应天真;另一方面,我们也不应自己去建立新的围墙。现在有一个称为联合全面行动计划(JCPOA)的框架来控制伊朗的核活动。

Let us not replicate past mistakes in the region. Let us not be naïve on one side. Let us not create new walls ourselves on the other side.

There is an existing framework – called the JCPOA - to control the nuclear activity of Iran. 


在美国的倡议下,我们签署了这一框架。美国和法国,我们都签了字。这就是为什么我们不能就这样说我们要抛开它。但是,这一协议确实可能无法解决所有关切,非常重要的关切。

We signed it at the initiative of the United States. We signed it, both the United States and France. That is why we cannot say we should get rid of it like that. But it is true to say that this agreement may not address all concerns, very important concerns. 


的确如此。但我们不应该在没有实质性的、更实质的东西的情况下就抛弃它。这就是我的立场,这就是法国为什么不会离开联合全面行动计划——因为我们签了字。

This is true. But we should not abandon it without having something substantial, more substantial, instead. That is my position. That is why France will not leave the JCPOA, because we signed it.


贵国总统和贵国将在这几天、这几周里在这一问题上做出抉择。

Your President and your country will have to take, in the current days and weeks, their responsibilities regarding this issue.


我想做的、也是我与贵国总统的共同决定,就是我们将制定一个更加全面的协议来回应有这些关切。这就是为什么我们必须依照昨天与特朗普总统讨论确定的四个支柱来制定这个更加全面的协议:现有协议的核心内容——特别是如果你决定离开协议的话;2025年以后的时期——以确定伊朗永远不会有任何军事性核活动;对伊朗政权在该地区的军事影响力的遏制;以及导弹活动的监视。

What I want to do, and what we decided together with your President, is that we can work on a more comprehensive deal addressing all these concerns. That is why we have to work on this more comprehensive deal based – as discussed with President Trump yesterday – on four pillars: the substance of the existing agreement, especially if you decide to leave it, the post-2025 period, in order to be sure that we will never have any military nuclear activity for Iran, the containment of the military influence of the Iranian regime in the region, and the monitoring of ballistic activity.


我认为,我去年九月曾在联合国大会上提及的这四个支柱是可以回应美国和我们在该地区盟国的合理担忧的。我认为,我们现在就必须以这四个支柱为基础开始工作,以建立这个新的综合性协议,并确保无论美利坚合众国未来做出何种决定,我们都不会让局面陷入无规则的境地。我们不会让中东局面陷入各方力量的冲突之中,我们不会火上浇油,去加剧紧张态势、挑动潜在战争。

I think these four pillars, the ones I addressed before the General Assembly of the United Nations last September, are the ones which cover the legitimate fears of the United States and our allies in the region.

I think we have to start working now on these four pillars to build this new, comprehensive framework and to be sure that, whatever the decision of the United States will be, we will not leave the floor to the absence of rules.

We will not leave the floor to these conflicts of power in the Middle East, we will not fuel ourselves in increasing tensions and potential war.


这就是我的立场,我认为我们可以携手为达成新的综合性协议而共同努力。这是为了整个地区,为了我们的人民,因为我认为它公正地回应了我们的关切。

That is my position, and I think we can work together to build this comprehensive deal for the whole region, for our people, because I think it fairly addresses our concerns. 


我在刚才的支柱之一里提到的遏制措施在也门、黎巴嫩、伊拉克以及叙利亚都是必须的。在统一的、包容的叙利亚建立起可持续的和平,这的确需要这一地区的各方力量都尊重叙利亚人民的主权以及叙利亚族群的多样性。

And this containment – I mentioned it one of these pillars – Is necessary in Yemen, in Lebanon, in Iraq and also in Syria.Building a sustainable peace in a united and inclusive Syria requires, indeed, that all powers in the region respect the sovereignty of its people, and the diversity of its communities.


在叙利亚,我们正密切合作。两周前,在巴沙尔·阿萨德政权对居民使用违禁武器后,美国、法国与英国一道采取行动,摧毁了化学武器设施,重建了国际社会的信用。这次行动是这种强大的多边主义最好的证明之一。

In Syria, we work very closely together. After prohibited weapons were used against the population by the regime of Bashar al-Assad two weeks ago, the United States and France, together with the United Kingdom, acted to destroy chemical facilities and to restore the credibility of the international community.This action was one of the best evidences of this strong multilateralism.


我想对我们的士兵致以特别的敬意,因为在这次行动中,他们在这一地区做得很好。在这次行动之外,我们还将合作推动短期的、在地的人道主义方案,并积极促进持久的政治方案,以终结这场悲剧性的冲突。

And I want to pay a special tribute for our soldiers, because they did a great job in this region and on this occasion.Beyond this action, we will together work for a humanitarian solution in the short term, on the ground, and contribute actively to a lasting political solution to put an end to this tragic conflict.


我认为,我与特朗普总统共同做出的重要决定之一正是将叙利亚纳入到为整个地区设计的这个广泛框架之内;为了叙利亚、为了叙利亚人民,我们还决定要共同推动叙利亚的政治路线图,即使在打击伊斯兰国的战争结束之后我们也会继续。

And I think one of the very important decisions we took together with President Trump was precisely to include Syria in this large framework for the overall region, and to decide to work together on this political roadmap for Syria, for Syrian people, even after our war against ISIS.


在萨赫勒地区,恐怖分子的网络已扩张到和欧洲一样大的地盘上,法国和美国士兵们正在迎战同一个敌人,并共担生命风险。在此,我希望对去年秋天在这一地区倒下的美国士兵以及今年年初殒命于马里的他们的法国同袍们致以特别敬意。

In the Sahel, where terrorist networks span a footprint as large as Europe, French and American soldiers are confronting the same enemy and risking their lives together.Here, I would like to pay special tribute to the American soldiers who fell this past fall in the region, and to their French comrades who lost their lives early this year in Mali.


我认为,我们的军人比任何人都明白我们两国间的同盟和与友谊意味着什么。我相信,面对所有这些挑战、所有这些恐惧、所有这些愤怒,携手合作、建立这一全新的、强有力的多边主义,这是我们的责任、我们的使命。

Better than anyone, I think, our troops know what the alliance and friendship between our countries means.I believe, facing all these challenges, all these fears, all this anger, our duty, our destiny is to work together and to build this new, strong multilateralism.


尊敬的国会议员们,女士们,先生们,

Distinguished members of Congress,Ladies and gentlemen,


1960年4月25日,戴高乐将军曾在这个议会厅说道,对于法国而言,没有什么比“伟大的美国人民的理性、决心与友谊”更加重要。

On 25 April 1960, General de Gaulle affirmed in this Chamber that nothing was as important to France as “the reason, the resolution, the friendship of the great people of the United States”.


我在58年后的同一天来到这里,是为了传达法兰西民族最温暖的感受,是为了告诉你们,我国人民仍一如既往地珍惜与美国人民的友谊。

Fifty-eight years later, to this very day, I come here to convey the warmest feelings of the French nation, and to tell you that our people cherish the friendship of the American people, with as much intensity as ever.


我们相信未来,相信民主,相信那些在高尚的理想与对人类、对进步坚不可摧的信任驱动下的男女可以为这个世界做出的贡献。美国与美国人民是这种信心的关键组成部分。

The United States and the American people are an essential part of our confidence in the future, in democracy, in what women and men can accomplish in this world when we are driven by high ideals and an unbreakable trust in humanity and progress.


今天,我们所听到的呼唤是来自历史的呼唤。这是一个属于决心与勇气的时代。我们所珍视的正面临险境,我们所钟爱的正身处危局。我们别无选择,唯有胜利。

Today the call we hear is the call of history. This is a time of determination and courage. What we cherish is at stake. What we love is in danger. We have no choice but to prevail.


并肩携手,我们必将胜利!

And together, we shall prevail.

—— 原载: 微信
本站刊登日期: Tuesday, May 1, 2018
关键词: 马克龙 演讲 自由
其他相关文章
港人為何要有國家認同?
马克龙、特朗普与1918年的教训
“奥斯陆自由论坛”在台北开幕 主讲者针对中国人权
彭斯演讲与中国的道路选择
蔡英文双十节演说:“中国挑战台海稳定现状”
平论Live | 秦伟平先生中文朗诵《美国副总统彭斯最新演说---有关美国政府中国政策》
既然不许批評,那就只能批評
美欧日走向零关税自由贸易协定,WTO的命运?
梁振英都熱愛Press Freedom?﹗
“信息自由流通”应该是终止贸易战的底线
中大調查:言論自由指數歷年最低
洪堡的自由主义
平论Live | 7天40家P2P平台爆雷,李克强出马中德联盟刘霞自由(视频))
一對一面談結束 金正恩:願和川普政府合作!
任教中大上海姑娘 悼念六四不再躲藏:「沒有恐懼,才有自由」
自由主义:法权自由的底线与实质自由的目标
2018世界新闻自由日:媒体 司法 法治监督权力
《DonaDona》,把自由给刘霞
中国调查性报道的衰亡
【中国热评】 “墙国”PK新闻自由 “乌有”命断朝鲜 “文金会”有看点吗?