每月存档：2013年12 月

走不通的“红色帝国之路”

中国越来越让人看不懂了，从习李的高调改革言说，到“七不搞”、8：19讲话、两高司法解释、连篇累牍的反宪政反普世价值和挺毛宣传及连续抓捕大V； 从反腐风暴、石油帮接连落马、剑指更大的老虎到民间强拆依旧、城管打人依旧，及针对一系列民间民权诉求的打压，这种让人亦喜亦忧的巨大反差，使国际舆论和中国学界新闻界及众多网评人士的看法发生了前所未有的分裂。数月以来，争论空前激烈，莫衷一是。根本分歧就在于到底怎么看待习的执政路线。从国际视角来说，就是中国正在发生什么和将要发生什么？

焦点对话：朝鲜血洗张成泽，牵动中国神经？(视频)

朝鲜第二号人物张成泽12日被处决，罪名是阻碍金正恩接班。这次朝鲜一改过去对权力运作秘而不宣的做法，公布了张成泽被捕和审判的戏剧性画面，使得外界一窥其权力斗争和政治清洗的残酷无情。在金正日去世后辅佐金正恩并为其巩固权力的张成泽，一直被外界视为维护朝鲜稳定的力量和经济改革领域的带头人，也是为数不多直接和中国对话的朝鲜领导人之一。张成泽的戏剧性垮台，为何牵动中国领导层的神经？张成泽及其党羽被残酷清洗的手法，又使外界产生何种“制度性联想”？

焦点对话：周永康传闻满天飞，中南海风暴再起？(视频)

路透社星期三报道，中央政治局前常委、政法委書記周永康目前已被软禁。这是继许多中文媒体报道周永康软禁消息之后西方主流媒体开始跟进。有中文媒体引用多个消息管道进一步表示，习近平已决定将周永康移交司法处理，目前中央正拟定向全党通报的文件，为其定性。过去几个月来，有关周永康贪腐，政变乃至策划暗杀的谣言满天飞，中国官方为何没有出面辟谣？如何处理周永康，习近平拿捏平衡的难度何在？

平壤地震 冲击北京

张成泽被处决以及张成泽一党面临灭顶之灾，中共当局心里一定很不好受。可是，它不敢和金正恩对赌。因为它需要朝鲜政权的稳定。它担心，如果它谴责金正恩甚至对之采取某种制裁措施，那个小混世魔王就很可能把中国当作头号敌人（就像当年中共把苏联当作头号敌人），而这个家伙手里还有原子弹。所以，中共当局只好对金正恩表示认可。先前，金正恩几次三番提出访华，中共当局都不作回应；这次金正恩杀掉中共喜欢的张成泽，中共反倒放低身段，主动邀请金正恩访华了。

The true story of a Uyghur youth who was a victim of the “12 December Student Protest” in Urumchi

编按：本文是本刊11月14日发表的《85年乌鲁木齐12.12学潮和一位少年受害者的真实故事》的英文版。
When we focus on the historical events regardless of any ethnicity issue in Xinjiang, we are able to see that the Urumchi student protest of 12th Dec 1985 formed a part of the wider events which took place across China, and was closely related to those peaceful protests. Moreover, that protest had much in common with the protests of 4th June 1989. However, their results turned out very differently because these two protests were made by two different nationalities, as they are categorized under the CCP. For this reason, they were fundamentally differentiated, and were explained as totally different forms of conflict. For example, the student protests which took place in the same year in inner China were considered by Hu Yaobang as requiring reconciliation using peaceful dialogue or two-way dialogue, but the protest in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region by Uyghur students was classified and treated very differently. Aziz Isa’s case which we reviewed earlier is typical of hundreds and thousands of similar cases among Uyghur intellectuals’ experiences. The June 4th student protest in Tiananmen Square in which students called for anti-corruption and a democratic China has been called an anti-revolutionary attack, and recently has been designated a “political storm”. However, the equivalent student protest in Xinjiang is regarded as a separatist movement, and has never been able to achieve peaceful resolution. Particularly after Jan 1987, once Hu Yaobang was ousted from his position in the CCP central government, those Uyghur students who have participated or supported the protest became the victims of that painful past. It ruined a 16 year old high school student’s life, and destroyed his dreams because of a single poster, and drove him to live under that merciless shadow for his whole life. This is the essential difference between the fate of a Han Chinese and a Uyghur in China.