<p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">近期因佔領運動的違法行為及法庭在民事訴訟中頒下禁制令的問題,引發港人對法治有更深一層的思考,尤其是人們遵從法庭命令對法治的重要性有多大。最近重讀法律社會學的經典</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-style: italic; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">Law and Society in Transition</span><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">,是兩位美國教授Philippe Nonet與Philip Selznick在上世紀七十年代的著作。他們在書中提出的法律發展模式(developmental model of law),認為法律制度會由「壓制之法」(repressive law),發展為「自成體系之法」 (autonomous law),到「回應公義訴求之法」(responsive law)。這理論或可讓我們更明白在香港出現法治爭議的根源在哪裏。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">在「壓制之法」下,法律是當權者的工具,主要是利用法律的強制力去維持能保障當權者及既得利益者的社會秩序;法律賦予執法者的權力雖未至於不受節制,但仍享有非常大的酌情權,並強調人民要無條件地守法。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">法律法治 三種層次</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">當公民再不能接受單純的強權可合理化權力,法制會發展成為「自成體系之法」,把法律與政治權力分割開,高舉法律的崇高性及超越性,由專業及獨立的法院按法律條文的規定去制衡執法者,強調司法權威來賦予法制所需的正當性。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">在「自成體系之法」 所保障的自由空間下,公民會進一步要求法律的內涵當能回應他們實質的公義訴求;那麼法制就可能會進一步發展成為「回應公義訴求之法」,法制會變得更開放及靈活,以修正現行法律不符公義之處。法律與公民的政治訴求扣連在一起,因現制未必能即時適切地回應得到公民公義的訴求,故無可避免會出現較多抗命的行為,以促使法律能更符公義。當然,這也無可避免地對法制的權威(尤其是司法的權威)造成一些衝擊。因此,法制應設置在司法制度外,更多的談判、商討及妥協的機制,讓公義可更容易及順暢地實踐得到。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">在「壓制之法」、「自成體系之法」及「回應公義訴求之法」下,法律是有不同的目的。在「壓制之法」下,法律的最重要的目的是要確保社會秩序;「自成體系之法」下的法律,最重要的目的是要制衡權力;而「回應公義訴求之法」下的法律,最重要的目的當然是實踐公義了。Nonet和Selznick的法律發展模式與我提出的法治理論不謀而合,「壓制之法」正是低階法治的「有法必依」,「自成體系之法」就是「以法限權」,而「回應公義訴求之法」就是「以法達義」。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">香港現在有關法治的爭議,正是源自不同人對香港現屬哪一階段的法制所致。有些人相信香港仍處「壓制之法」的階段,這包括了一些土共、頑固建制派、一些高官及警方高層,故他們認為維持社會秩序是最重要的,也要求人們要無條件守法,不然就是大逆不道。相信這種人不是太多,而連他們也知道這種法治的論述根本不能得到大部分人的認同,故不得不去借用由「自成體系之法」而來的認受力量。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">法庭頒令 只能遵從</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">相信大部分港人都認同香港已達「自成體系之法」的階段,而信念最強的應是那些受過法律訓練的人尤其是法官們。他們認為法庭能獨立及公正地就法律爭議作出裁決是保障法治的最重要的一環;也是看中這點,特區政府才會利用法庭頒布禁制令來清場,因知道這會得到不少港人的認同,連不少抗爭者在面對法庭禁制令時,因他們過去一向對法治的理解是止於「自成體系之法」的理解,故亦不敢有所僭越而只能遵從。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">法庭對法律的理解因也從體制上受困於「自成體系之法」的法治認知,在審理私人團體以公共滋擾為由提出禁制令的申請時,即使案件的背景及處境獨特及複雜,也只能嚴格按現行的法律規定去裁決案件,不願也不敢處理背後的政治及公義爭議;即使法庭明知被利用了,因受本身對法治的認知所局限,也只能啞子吃黃連,有苦自己知。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">相信「和平佔中」在過去二十個月所做的推廣工作及數以千計港人在「雨傘運動」時的實踐,不少港人對香港法制的理解已突破至「回應公義訴求之法」,他們期望法律不但要制衡政府的權力,更期望法律能實踐公義,保障港人所享有的基本政治權利。為了爭取落實這些公義的訴求,他們不認為公民抗命是違背法治,反是實現更高階的法治迴避不了的路徑。</span></p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; padding:0pt 0pt 0pt 0pt ; text-autospace:ideograph-numeric; text-autospace:ideograph-other; layout-grid-mode:char; vertical-align:; "> </p><p style="margin-top:0pt; margin-bottom:0pt; "><span style="letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">即使「回應公義訴求之法」還未是主流的法律觀,但公民對法律的期望只會隨着社會發展而變得更高。若法制發展未能給予充分及適時的回應,那必對法制整體的認受權威造成更大的衝擊;這不是法庭或司法權威能解決得到的,而是要在整個法制內發展出一套除了保障平等政治權利之外,更要讓公民有更實質參與公共決策的民主程序。</span></p>