中間建制之道

<p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">近年香港政局風起雲湧,令筆者在踏足政壇的短短幾年間,有幸親身參與了中間路線、中間政府及中間建制(派)的建立與發展歷程,以中間派的身分見證了這大時代,並且總結了一些經驗,希望可在此向大家剖析當中的進化過程,以及這政治路線可為香港帶來的選項與出路。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">佔領運動後香港社會空前撕裂,中間派應運而生,此乃香港中間政治之緣起。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">中間路線、中間政府、中間建制</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">中間路線又可理解為第三條路,是在建制派和泛民以外的第三種選擇。但由於路線過分狹窄,在兩大陣營的狹縫間吃力不討好,又沒有黨的機器,最終未能發展出一條鮮明獨立的路線,在壁壘分明的選舉裏缺乏取勝條件,最後在客觀意義上只有「</span><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">割</span><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">票」的份,無法帶來實質改變。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">儘管中間路線功敗垂成,但這並不代表中間共識政治在香港沒有市場,只是沒有對症下藥而已&#8212;&#8212;梁振英政府才是撕裂的根源,政黨與民間層面的兩極化只不過是其表徵。梁振英之所以能將香港政治帶入一個「新時代」,就是他完全背離了中間政府的原則:在一國兩制裏,特區政府須保持一定的中立性,行中間共識政治,盡量不偏向任何一方。而曾俊華在特首選舉中的冒起,不僅證實了中間共識政治仍大有市場,在他參選的幾個月裏,他對香港政治所帶來的改變,亦遠超中間派成立以來所促成的一切,包括得到跨政治光譜、跨年齡階層、年輕人及中產專業人士的支持,在原本高度兩極化的社會中將他們團結起來。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">不過,基於中央的壓力,建制派和其他相關團體與人士必須歸邊,這帶出了一個重要問題:沒有相應的建制派的支持,令中間政府與建制派得以擁有共同的利益與目標的話,中間政府是無法建立起來的,亦不會得到中央的祝福與首肯。因而這亦帶出了一個新結論,就是如要建立中間政府,須先行建立可與之相配合的新建制派。這也是筆者在特首選舉後,轉為推動中間建制的原因。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">在僵局中重拾進步與變革</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">筆者也了解,不少市民一直寄望泛民為香港帶來改變;可是步入後政改時代後的一個重要且明顯的信號,就是泛民充其量只能在議會內擔當「反對派」的角色,無從分享權力。隨着議事規則被修改,泛民的議政與生存空間亦進一步被壓縮,而長年擔當「反對派」亦令泛民的政策研究能力逐步退化,已難以有效影響政府施政,再加上後自由(post-liberal)時代來臨,泛民的歷史角色步向終結,其存在意義已由以往的積極抗爭,淪為目前的消極抗爭,已難言有何積極或進步意義。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">所以即使是無可奈何,但是在習近平時代,我們只能寄望由一種親建制的中間政治為香港帶來改變。而且中央的強勢、建制和泛民的不濟、市民的無力,亦令港人渴望有一個替代選擇。筆者認為這種中間建制政治最符合鄧小平當初「中間大、兩邊小」構想,以及一國兩制的初心。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">大家可能會問,中間建制與開明建制有何分別,而筆者從中間派的親身經歷中,發現開明建制與中間派之所以無法形成一股力量,除了欠缺一個中間政府之外,兩者的問題基本上是一樣:只講立場與表態,缺乏實質內涵。這樣除了可令港人內心舒服一點之外,基本上無法為香港帶來任何改變。假如中間派的教訓是不能只講立場的話,那麼建制派的教訓就是絕少好好善用其優勢與潛力,包括政策研究能力、與政府的密切關係等,使之能更有效影響政府施政、帶動社會革新。因此筆者需指出中間建制在汲取這些教訓之餘,亦必須更積極地建立其進步性&#8212;&#8212;今天香港的沉淪很大程度歸因於建制派、泛民,甚至政府自己的進步性的喪失,為此中間建制必須是一種進步力量,否則難以打破當前困局。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">另一個筆者須以中間建制作為打破僵局或變革推動者(agent of change)的角色的原因,是縱觀香港政壇,仍可以改變的板塊已絕無僅有&#8212;&#8212;中間派已不存在;自決和港獨派被拒之議會門外,完全在野化;傳統建制派緊隨中央與政府,缺乏改變的誘因;泛民光環褪色、進退失據,改變亦無從說起。因而中間建制板塊可說是僅有有可能改變的板塊,已別無他選。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">可幸的是,「曾俊華現象」為中間建制政治注入了新的能量與可能性,同時隨着市民的政治認知度日漸提高,亦出現了一批追求更高水平的政治、傾向獨立於建制和泛民的「非政黨市民」(apartisans),令政治光譜的中間地帶前所未有地大。這發展再加上傳統建制前所未有地偏向一邊、泛民前所未有地弱、中間派不復存在,使中間建制更有條件進出與開拓這廣大的中間和非政黨市民空間,團結建制與中間選民。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">給中央的第三種信號:改變</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">大家有否想過這次立法會補選的意義是什麼?如果建制派獲勝,即是給予中央一個「一切很好、毋須改變」的信息;反之如果泛民獲勝,便等於給予中央一個「我反對你」的信息。筆者相信這兩種信號都不是大部分港人想傳遞給中央的信息,但無奈一直以來就只有這兩種不太達意的選項,令信息長期被扭曲,直接令香港的情况每况愈下。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">事實上,中間建制的出現,就等於是港人給予中央的第三種信號&#8212;&#8212;改變。大部分港人根本無意反對中央,但也不希望一切如常,希望有溫和有序的變革,並且確保香港的自由、法治及一國兩制不受影響。而中間建制這選項就是用以表達港人的真正意願,給予中央一個合適準確的信號,同時亦不會助長兩極化的趨勢,也是終結這場無休止且無益的政治鬥爭的關鍵。</span></p><div>&nbsp;</div><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">其實大家都心裹明白,即使泛民奪回所有DQ(取消資格)議席又如何?那又不是在發泄情緒過後,又回到一如既往的僵局,兼且再一次「印證」並增強中央的「心魔」?非但不能改變什麼,而且更有可能會愈抗爭愈失利,得不償失。這可不是體現選票和選舉的真正意義的做法。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">相反,我們用選票向這僵局說不,讓中央意識到港人希望有一條新的政治路線,實行以選票爭取中央對這路線的認同,讓港人成為變革的促成者與持份者,帶動新一輪的政治轉型與建制革新,為香港換一個未來,這才是體現選票和選舉的真正意義的做法。港人必須深思。</span></p><p align="justify" style="margin-top:0.0000pt;margin-right:0.0000pt;margin-bottom:0.0000pt;margin-left:0.0000pt;text-indent:0.0000pt;layout-grid-mode:char;text-autospace:ideograph-numeric;text-justify:inter-ideograph;">&nbsp;</p><p><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">(</span><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">作者為</span><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">中文大學全球政經碩士課程講師</span><span style="font-family: Arial; letter-spacing: 0pt; font-size: 12pt;">)</span></p>