<div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">北京——中国立法者今年早些时候<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20180311/china-xi-constitution-term-limits/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">取消了国家主席的任期限制</a>，让中国最高领导人习近平的权力看起来极为稳固。但不到五个月后，中国已被<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://cn.nytimes.com/business/20180625/china-economy-bank-lending/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">经济逆风</a>、疫苗丑闻，以及与华盛顿打贸易战等事件</span>弄得人心惶惶，这使北京的批评人士更加大胆，开始对习近平的全面控制提出质疑。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">自从习近平六年前上台以来，审查和惩罚一直让中国的不同意见噤声。北京清华大学法学教授<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://www.tsinghua.edu.cn/publish/law/3563/2010/20101220194652775652930/20101220194652775652930_.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">许章润</a>上周冒着很大的风险批评了习近平的强硬政策，以及他恢复共产主义正统观念、允许宣传中阿谀奉承的做法，这是迄今来自中国学者的最严厉谴责。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">“包括整个官僚集团在内，当下全体国民对于国家发展方向和个人身家性命安危，再度深感迷惘，担忧日甚，已然引发全民范围一定程度的恐慌，”许章润写道，<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://unirule.cloud/index.php?c=article&id=4625" title="Link: http://unirule.cloud/index.php?c=article&id=4625" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">他的文章</a>出现在天则经济研究所的网站上，这家北京的独立智库最近<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20180712/china-unirule-institute/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">被迫离开其办公场所</a>。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“这很大胆，”天则所研究员姜浩在接受采访时说。“许多知识分子可能也有同样的想法，但他们不敢说出来。”</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">许章润敦促中国立法者推翻今年3月的表决，该表决取消了对习近平担任国家主席<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20180308/china-xi-jinping-party-term-limit/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">任期两届的限制</a>。中共主导的立法机构<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/11/world/asia/china-xi-constitution-term-limits.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">几乎全票通过</a>的这项修宪议案，为习近平在未来十年乃至更长的时间里继续担任国家主席、共产党领导人以及中央军委主席铺平了道路。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">许章润的文章出现时，国内的一连串麻烦已经让习近平的铁腕统治方式成为批评的焦点，尽管文章受到审查者的阻止，但已在中国社交媒体上传播开来。其他的一些不那么严厉的批评和请愿，以及对习近平政策的嘲讽，也在网上传播，通常是在流行的社交媒体服务平台微信上。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">“许章润写了一篇中国文化核心挑战共产党政治核心的檄文，”澳大利亚学者白杰明(Geremie R. Barmé)说，他正在<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://chinaheritage.net/journal/other-peoples-thoughts-xii/" title="Link: http://chinaheritage.net/journal/other-peoples-thoughts-xii/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">翻译许章润的文章</a>。“其内容以及</span>强有力的文风将在中国的整个党国制度、乃至更广泛的社会中产生深刻的共鸣。”</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><figure style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 2rem -1.25rem; width: auto; padding: 0px; border: none;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; float: none; margin: 0px;"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-2/merlin_129870188_1682c888-9734-40ab-aaf9-ed8cac3c0be7-master1050.jpg" alt="去年11月，习近平与特朗普。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-2/merlin_129870188_1682c888-9734-40ab-aaf9-ed8cac3c0be7-master1050.jpg" style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; height: auto;" /></div><figcaption style="box-sizing: border-box; padding-left: 0.9375rem; line-height: 1em; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.8125rem; color: #666666;">去年11月，习近平与特朗普。</span> <cite style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.6875rem; color: #666666; text-transform: uppercase; font-style: normal;">DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">近几个月来，中国一直在努力应对与美国日益严重的贸易争端。一些中国外交政策专家曾暗示，如果北京方面采取更灵活的立场，更快平抚有关自己目标的招摇言论，与特朗普政府的贸易战本可能得到控制。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">“中国在处理国际问题上应该要低调，”北京大学国际关系学教授<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://scholar.pku.edu.cn/qgjia/home" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">贾庆国</a>最近在北京的一个论坛上说。“不能营造一种要取代美国模式的氛围。”</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">有关数十万名儿童接种了<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/23/world/asia/china-vaccines-scandal-investigation.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">问题疫苗</a>的爆料，引发了公众的愤怒和<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/30/world/asia/china-protest-faulty-vaccines.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">抗议</a>，尤其是因为政府曾在以前发生类似丑闻之后承诺清理疫苗行业。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">目前的不满情绪并不对习近平手中的权力构成任何直接的威胁。习近平和共产党仍牢牢地控制着一切。许多中国人支持习近平的反腐运动，也支持他把中国建设成一个不在领土争端上妥协的强国的誓言。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">但党内人士和外国专家说，最近几起事件之后，在知识分子、思想开明的前官员和中产阶层中似乎正在形成一些对习近平强硬政策的担忧。一位要求不具名的前官员说，很多以前的同事都在传阅许章润的文章。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">包括此人在内的一些人认为，随着时间的推移，这种批评可能会汇集成更深的不满，进而侵蚀习近平的权威，使其他高级官员有更多的勇气来质疑他的决定。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">“最近几周，抵制习近平绝对权力的苗头已经开始显现，”马利德(Richard McGregor)<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/has-china-leader-xi-jinping-now-passed-his-peak" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">最近写道</a>，他曾在中国当记者，现为澳大利亚悉尼洛伊研究所(Lowy Institute)的资深研究员。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><figure style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 2rem -1.25rem; width: auto; padding: 0px; border: none;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; float: none; margin: 0px;"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-3/01china-xi-3-master1050.jpg" alt="中国与华盛顿的贸易战已经引发了一些对习近平的批评。五月，正在江苏省一个港口等待出口的钢铁。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-3/01china-xi-3-master1050.jpg" style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; height: auto;" /></div><figcaption style="box-sizing: border-box; padding-left: 0.9375rem; line-height: 1em; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.8125rem; color: #666666;">中国与华盛顿的贸易战已经引发了一些对习近平的批评。五月，正在江苏省一个港口等待出口的钢铁。</span><cite style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.6875rem; color: #666666; text-transform: uppercase; font-style: normal;">CHINA DAILY CDIC/REUTERS</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“更难回答的问题是，这对现实来说实际上意味着什么，”马利德在电子邮件中回答记者提问时说。“如果这意味着权贵政治内斗加剧，那就可能会导致政策瘫痪和不稳定，而不仅仅是一场更自由、更开放的辩论。”</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">许章润在文章中挑战了另一个政治禁忌，他敦促政府为六四平反，他指的是<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/04/world/asia/times-coverage-of-tiananmen-square-25-years-ago.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">1989年在中国许多城市爆发</a>的亲民主、反腐败的抗议活动，活动以天安门广场的镇压而告终。明年是这场血腥动乱的30周年，对政府来说，那将是一段紧张的时期。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“照此趋势以往，‘改革开放’会否就此终止，极权回归，亦未可知，”许章润在这篇文章中写道，他的文章带有文言文的风格，用了晦涩的语言和历史典故。“此时此刻，全体国民之最大担忧，莫此为甚。”</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">知识分子以及对习近平议程持怀疑态度的前官员，<span style="box-sizing: border-box;">也可能会抓住<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/09/portrait-of-deng-as-reformer-in-1978-plenum-ignores-history/" title="Link: https://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/09/portrait-of-deng-as-reformer-in-1978-plenum-ignores-history/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">1978年召开的一次党内会议</a>40周年的机会，那次会议被认为是邓小平“改革</span>开放”时代的开端。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">尽管习近平已经抛弃了邓小平的一些务实政策，党内领导者们仍崇敬邓小平。更开明的前官员们还将邓小平视为偶像，赋予他一个更温和的领导人形象，以衬托他们认为是习近平带来的狂妄自大。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“尽管现实情况要复杂得多，但邓小平的公众形象通常可以归结为一个词：改革家，”哈佛大学魏德海国际事务中心(Weatherhead Center for International Affairs)学者朱利安·格维茨(Julian Gewirtz)说，他在研究1980年代中国发生的变化。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><figure style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 2rem -1.25rem; width: auto; padding: 0px; border: none;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; float: none; margin: 0px;"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-4/01china-xi-4-master1050.jpg" alt="2016年，北京一家商店橱窗里上面印有中国领导人画像的纪念盘。从左至右：毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛及现任主席习近平。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-4/01china-xi-4-master1050.jpg" style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; height: auto;" /></div><figcaption style="box-sizing: border-box; padding-left: 0.9375rem; line-height: 1em; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.8125rem; color: #666666;">2016年，北京一家商店橱窗里上面印有中国领导人画像的纪念盘。从左至右：毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛及现任主席习近平。</span> <cite style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.6875rem; color: #666666; text-transform: uppercase; font-style: normal;">THOMAS PETER/REUTERS</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“习近平现在显然在偏离邓小平支持的一些基本东西，比如更开放的思想辩论，更大程度的党国分离，以及在国际关系上‘韬光养晦’等做法，”格维茨说。“对于习近平的批评者来说，邓小平可能是一个有用的象征性武器，因为他有一个特殊的改革家形象。”</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">一些迹象表明，贸易紧张和国内的批评可能已促使习近平的政府缓和了公开姿态<span style="box-sizing: border-box;">。《人民日报》上发表的<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://opinion.people.com.cn/BIG5/n1/2018/0702/c1003-30098611.html" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">一系列文章</a>嘲讽了声称中国已超过美国成为技术强国的中国学者和专家，并告诫新闻媒体遏制自我吹嘘的做法。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">“弄清这种批评是否能约束领导层还为时过早，但有趣的是，外交政策的言论已经出现了一些调整，”谢淑丽(Susan Shirk)说，她是加州大学圣地亚哥分校<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="http://china.ucsd.edu/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">21世纪中国研究中心</a>主任，曾任副助理国务卿。她说，这“暗示了一些自我矫正的能力，至少在言论层面上如此。”</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">另一些人则看到了共产党正在从崇拜习近平的做法上冷静下来的迹象。许章润在文章中说，有关习近平的宣传很像围绕着毛泽东的个人崇拜，他呼吁“赶紧刹车”。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">“宣传机器因挑起了这种个人崇拜，<span style="box-sizing: border-box;">也因搞砸了有关中美贸易争端的信息传递，不得不采取守势，”芝加哥大学研究中国政治的政治学家<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://political-science.uchicago.edu/directory/dali-yang" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">杨大利</a>说。</span></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><figure style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 2rem -1.25rem; width: auto; padding: 0px; border: none;"><div style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; float: none; margin: 0px;"><img src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-5/merlin_113547608_883e0ee5-ddb7-43c4-b7bb-fa7671e3d851-master1050.jpg" alt="2016年，北京一家博物馆展览中，人们看着中国过去及现任领导人。" data-src="https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/08/01/world/01china-xi-5/merlin_113547608_883e0ee5-ddb7-43c4-b7bb-fa7671e3d851-master1050.jpg" style="box-sizing: border-box; width: 615.994px; height: auto;" /></div><figcaption style="box-sizing: border-box; padding-left: 0.9375rem; line-height: 1em; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.8125rem; color: #666666;">2016年，北京一家博物馆展览中，人们看着中国过去及现任领导人。</span> <cite style="box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; margin: 0px 0px 0.125rem; font-size: 0.6875rem; color: #666666; text-transform: uppercase; font-style: normal;">ANDY WONG/ASSOCIATED PRESS</cite></figcaption></figure></div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">但似乎没有理由认为北京会彻底改变个人崇拜的做法。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;">习近平的名字一如既往地在《人民日报》的头版上频繁出现。据香港大学媒体专家<a rel="nofollow" target="_blank" href="https://jmsc.hku.hk/people/qian-gang/" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #004276; text-decoration-line: none;">钱钢</a>的统计，7月份出现的次数没有明显下降。而且，共产党发起的学习习近平在中国西北部梁家河村度过的青年时代的运动</span>，继续催生令人目瞪口呆的报道。</div><div style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 1.125rem; line-height: 1.875em; margin: 0px 0px 1.75rem; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif;">许章润的未来，现在可能成了对习近平是否会鼓励更大程度地容忍批评的检验。许章润没有回复留言，也没有接听电话，他正在日本做访问学者。他可能会受到北京方面的谴责。</div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, "PingFang SC", "Heiti SC", "Microsoft Yahei", simsun, sans-serif; font-size: 18px;">“话说完了，生死由命，而兴亡在天矣，”他在文章的最后这样写道。</span><br />